Professor Ernest A. Young of the Duke Law School, the principal author of the federalism brief, says the operation of DOMA cannot help but burden states because “federal and state law are pervasively intertwined.” To understand the harm that could be done by an unlimited federal power to define the terms of domestic-relations law, Young recalls when a few states, venturing beyond the national consensus, began experimenting with no-fault divorce. Suppose, Young says, Congress passed a statute refusing recognition, for purposes of federal law, of any divorce where neither party made a showing of fault:
“The couple would continue to be treated as married for purposes of federal income tax, health care programs, and veterans' benefits. Imagine the chaos this would wreak in the administration of state programs, and the pressure it would impose on states not to experiment with divorce law.”
As the scholars' brief says, DOMA “shatters two centuries of federal practice” by creating “a blanket federal marital status that exists independent of states' family-status determinations.” Federalism, properly respected, enables diversity as an alternative to a congressionally imposed, continentwide moral uniformity. Allowing Washington to impose such conformity would ratify unprecedented federal supremacy regarding domestic relations, a power without judicially administrable limits. By striking down DOMA — by refusing to defer to Congress' usurpation of states' powers — the court would defer to 50 state governments, including the 38 that today prohibit same-sex marriage.
Liberals praise diversity but generally urge courts to permissively construe the Constitution in order to validate federal power to impose continental uniformities. DOMA is such an imposition. Liberals may be rescued from it by jurisprudence true to conservative principles, properly understood.
WASHINGTON POST WRITERS GROUP